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Lee Grey

Religious Liberty: The End of Pope's Day

The following article was written by Robert G. Morrison. At the time of it's publishing Morrison was the Senior Fellow for Policy Studies at Family Research Council (I do not know if he still holds that position). It is a five-part overview on the perspective and history of the impact of faith on the Founders.

I.N.A.F.I.A.S,

Lee

Psalm 91

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What the Founders Really Did on Religious Liberty: “Deeds not Words”

BY ROBERT G. MORRISON

Dispatch No. 1.His Excellency Ends Pope’s Day

THE CONTINENTAL ARMY was besieging Bos­ton in the fall of 1775. His Excellency, Gen­eral George Washington, had come up from Philadelphia in June to take command of this force comprised primarily of New England­ers. Gen. Washington had sent a portion of his army to Canada in the hope of enlisting the French-speaking Que­beckers as allies of the new American Union.

As winter approached, however, Washington got word of a New England custom about to be played out in full view of the surrounded British Army. New England Protestants for more than a century had celebrated “Pope’s Day,” a combination of our modern Halloween and Fourth of July events. Bonfires, firecrackers, and masked boys playing mischievous pranks were high­lights of the day; it was all harmless fun–ex­cept for the conclusion. Effigies of the Pope were stuffed with straw and live cats. These would then be set afire. The yowling of the poor cats was intended to convey the scream­ing of the Popes in hell.

His Excellency was having none of it. He is­sued a stern General Order from his head­quarters on November 5, 1775. He warned against “the observance of that ridiculous and childish custom” anywhere in his Army. More than that, he condemned the holiday outright, expressing his surprise that “there should be Officers or Soldiers in this army so void of common sense as not to see the impropriety of such a step at this Juncture.” Washington was daily awaiting word that the Quebeckers would join us. How we could be so unwise, he asked, “to be insulting their religion? [It] is so monstrous as not to be suf­fered or excused.” 1

The Continental Congress had sent messag­es to Quebec imploring the French Catholics there not to trust the British for their religious freedom: “What is offered to you by the late Parliament? …Liberty of conscience in your religion? No. God gave it to you…” 2

Although His Excellency and the Continen­tal Congress were to be disappointed in the failure of the Quebeckers to join the revolu­tion, Washington also had in mind his own troops. The units from Pennsylvania and Maryland “fairly teemed” with Catholic sol­diers. Maryland had been founded originally as a Catholic refuge. And Pennsylvania fa­mously attracted people of all denominations because of the original Quaker settlers’ com­mitment to religious tolerance.

Washington’s troops did not celebrate Pope’s Day that year. Nor, after that, did anyone else. So great was George Washington’s prestige and moral authority that Americans turned away from such “childish and ridicu­lous” celebrations. Despite the French Canadians’ unwillingness to join the Americans, France did join. First to arrive was the young Marquis de Lafayette. He started off as a private in Washington’s army. Within a year, the brave twenty-year old was a Major General, having earned his advancement.

Then, in 1778, France formally aligned with the United States. His Most Christian Majesty, King Louis XVI, sent General Ro­chambeau and 5,000 French regular soldiers to fight alongside Washington’s Continen­tals. These troops arrived in Newport, Rhode Island in 1780. They remained loyal to the Alliance all the way to final victory at York­town, in Virginia, in 1781.

It would have placed intolerable strains on our Alliance with the Catholic French if Pope’s Day was still being celebrated by the Americans. In this instance, good fellowship proved to be good politics. His Excellency’s good judgment was also good strategy.

This enlightened spirit would be seen in the Continental Congress, in Philadelphia, when Catholic layman Charles Carroll of Carroll­ton, a wealthy Maryland landowner, and Rev. John Witherspoon, a Presbyterian clergyman from New Jersey, both signed the Declara­tion of Independence. They pledged to each other and their fellow Signers, “their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor.” No­where else on earth in 1776 could one have found such a document.

It was also the spirit that prompted the Con­stitutional Convention in 1787 to include a provision in Article VI, Clause 3, saying “…no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification for any office or public Trust under the United States.”3 This was the most advanced statement of religious freedom in the world.

No wonder Thomas Jefferson could say of George Washington: “The moderation and virtue of a single character probably prevent­ed this Revolution from being closed, as most others have been, by the subversion of that liberty it was intended to establish.”

NEXT POST: Dispatch No. 2.–Mr. Madison and “that nest of Dutchmen”

“The liberty enjoyed by the people of these states of worshiping Almighty God agreeably to their conscience, is not only among the choicest of their blessings, but also of their rights” (George Washington, message to the Annual Meeting of Quakers, 1789)

ROBERT G. MORRISON is Senior Fellow for Policy Studies at Family Research Council. He is a former teacher of American history at the high school and college levels. He served in the U.S. Department of Education and as the Washington repre­sentative of The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod. He re­searched Bill Bennett’s two-volume history of the U.S., America: The Last Best Hope.



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In Congress, July 4, 1776.

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of

Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

 

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

       He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

       He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

       He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

       He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

       He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

       He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

       He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

       He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

       He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

       He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.

       He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

       He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

       He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

       For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

       For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

       For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

       For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

       For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

       For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences

       For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

       For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

       For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

       He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

       He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

       He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

       He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

       He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

 

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

 

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

 

We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

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